India’s reservation system has lengthy been a instrument for uplifting traditionally marginalised communities, notably the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). Born out of the necessity to appropriate centuries of social and financial exclusion, reservations have opened the doorways of upper training, authorities employment, and public workplaces for teams as soon as condemned to the periphery of society. But, over 75 years since independence, questions are being raised about whether or not the system is serving its supposed function — particularly when some subgroups throughout the SCs seem like benefiting greater than others.
Current debates, spurred by a Supreme Courtroom ruling, have questioned whether or not a ‘quota-within-quota’ system is required to make sure that affirmative motion insurance policies are extra equitable throughout SC subgroups. The thought is to subdivide the SC quota to supply focused help to probably the most deprived communities throughout the broader SC class. Whereas some States, like Punjab, have experimented with such insurance policies, the effectiveness of subdividing quotas remains to be a matter of rivalry.
The query on the coronary heart of this debate is: do all SCs profit equally from reservations? And if not, ought to the system be redesigned to make sure a extra balanced distribution of alternatives?
A deep dive into caste quotas
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the principal architect of the Indian Structure, believed that formal authorized equality (one particular person, one vote) wouldn’t be sufficient to dismantle the deeply entrenched inequalities of caste. Thus, reservations have been mandated to change into a mechanism to maneuver from authorized equality to substantive equality by creating alternatives for SCs and STs in greater training, public sector jobs, and authorities establishments.
The argument underlying the Supreme Courtroom verdict is that regardless of its progressive goals, India’s reservation system is tormented by uneven outcomes. Some SC teams appear to have progressed greater than others over the a long time. This has led to requires a extra nuanced method to affirmative motion — one which recognises the heterogeneity throughout the SC class itself.
Right here, we use information from six main States —Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal — and discover whether or not some SC castes have disproportionately benefited from reservations, leaving others behind.
What information from totally different States inform us
In Andhra Pradesh, our estimates reveal that whereas there are slight variations between the 2 main SC teams — Malas and Madigas — the disparities usually are not vital sufficient to warrant subdivision of the quota. By 2019, each teams had seen enhancements in training and employment, and each have been equally more likely to profit from white-collar jobs. The same story emerges in Tamil Nadu, the place the 2 largest SC teams — Adi Dravida and Pallan —have been virtually indistinguishable when it comes to socio-economic outcomes by 2019. However different States paint a extra difficult image.
In Punjab, the place the SC quota has been subdivided since 1975, the info means that this coverage has led to raised outcomes for extra deprived SC teams, such because the Mazhabi Sikhs and Balmikis. These teams, as soon as marginalised even throughout the SC class, have begun to catch as much as extra superior teams such because the Advert Dharmis and Ravidasis.
However, Bihar’s experiment with subdividing the SC quota right into a “Mahadalit” class in 2007 is a cautionary story. Initially designed to focus on probably the most marginalised SC teams, the coverage finally faltered as political strain led to the inclusion of all SC teams within the Mahadalit class, successfully nullifying the aim of the subdivision. The broader takeaway from these findings is that whereas there may be some heterogeneity throughout the SC class, the disparities between SC teams and upper-caste teams (basic class) stay way more pronounced. In different phrases, the hole between SCs and the privileged castes remains to be a lot bigger than the hole between totally different SC subgroups.
Are reservations accessible?
We want good jati-wise information on precise use of reserved class positions. The closest we are able to get is predicated on a query from the India Human Improvement Survey (IHDS) that asks potential beneficiaries if they’ve a caste certificates — a prerequisite for accessing reserved positions in training and employment. These numbers might be seen as proxy for precise entry within the absence of authoritative official information.
In States like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, lower than 50% of SC households report having these certificates, that means that a big portion of SCs are excluded from the advantages which are purported to uplift them. Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh fare higher, with over 60-70% of SC households holding caste certificates, however these States are the exception fairly than the rule.
This highlights a elementary drawback with the present system — entry. With out guaranteeing that each one eligible SCs can truly profit from reservations, subdividing the quota turns into a secondary concern. The main focus ought to first be on bettering entry to reservations throughout the board, guaranteeing that those that are entitled to those advantages can avail them.
Is quota-within-quota the answer?
The thought of a ‘quota-within-quota’ will not be with out benefit. In States like Punjab, the place there’s a clear disparity between SC subgroups, subdividing the quota has helped convey extra deprived teams into the fold. However this isn’t the case in all places. In lots of States, like Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, the info suggests that there’s no use for additional subdivision, as the advantages of reservations are already being distributed pretty evenly throughout SC teams.
Furthermore, the political motivations behind quota subdivision, as seen in Bihar, can usually undermine the coverage’s effectiveness. Selections about who will get to be included in probably the most deprived class are sometimes pushed by political expediency fairly than empirical proof. This dilutes the impression of affirmative motion and dangers turning the reservation system right into a political instrument fairly than a real instrument for social justice.
Moreover, the Supreme Courtroom’s suggestion of introducing a “creamy layer” exclusion for SCs — related to what’s in place for Different Backward Courses — wants a stronger evidentiary foundation.
The affirmative motion coverage consists of quotas in addition to financial advantages (scholarships or freeships, decrease charges). The revenue criterion can be utilized to determine on eligibility for the financial element to maintain the financial advantages for many who genuinely want it. Nevertheless, there is no such thing as a proof that for traditionally stigmatised teams, enchancment in school standing essentially reduces discrimination, whether or not or not it’s in jobs or housing. Regardless of untouchability being abolished, covert and overt cases of untouchability persist. As elsewhere on the planet, the stamp of a stigmatised social id doesn’t disappear simply with financial mobility. Reservations have helped in making a Dalit center class, which over time can cut back stigma and step by step set the stage for creamy layer exclusion sooner or later. Nevertheless, we’re not there but.
Lastly, the pressing want for up to date information can’t be overstated. India’s nationwide Census, delayed for years, is the one supply that may present complete information on caste-based disparities. With out this data, any try and reform the system might be based mostly on incomplete/outdated proof.
India’s reservation system has undeniably helped elevate hundreds of thousands out of poverty and into the center class, however it’s removed from good. As debates round ‘quota-within-quota’ insurance policies proceed, the main focus ought to stay on bettering entry to affirmative motion for all SCs and addressing the bigger disparities between SCs and upper-caste teams. If fastidiously applied, reservations can proceed to be a strong instrument for social justice — however provided that the system is predicated on sturdy information and real want, fairly than political calculations.
Ashwini Deshpande is with Ashoka College and Rajesh Ramachandran is with Monash College. Views expressed are private.
Printed – November 05, 2024 08:30 am IST
